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BILATERAL RELATIONS UE - LAC

Planning, re-bordering and setting times

a comparative analysis of European and Latin American 'education spaces'
Publisher: 
Taylor & Francis Ltd.
City: 
Abingdon
Volume, number, page: 
11:4: pp. 520-537.
Abstract: 
The article compares educational regionalisation in Europe and Latin America. This analysis unveils the influence of three social phenomena in the two case studies, namely power, fields of activity and knowledge. Mostly, it focuses on the initiatives led by the European Union and the Organisation of Ibero-American States in order to implement large strategic, multi-government educational plans in each continent. The actions of international political players, the theories (or ‘ontologies’) embedded in these devices and the consequences for sub-national politics are observed.

The rise of biofuels in IR

the case of Brazilian foreign policy towards the EU
City: 
London
Volume, number, page: 
37:5, pp.902-916
Abstract: 
Biofuels are a growing alternative energy source. In a context of their growing global consumption, Brazil has shown particular interest in the European market. This paper analyses Brazilian foreign policy on biofuels towards the EU during Lula da Silva’s administration (2003–10). It examines the emergence of biofuels at a global level, the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy, Brazilian environmental foreign policy and, finally, the Brazilian political response to changes in European law.

Cooperation Program between Latin America, the Caribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policies

Action Document for COPOLAD II - Cooperation Programme between Latin America, the Caribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policie
Publisher: 
European Commission
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
18 p.
Abstract: 
The proposed action “COPOLAD II – Cooperation programme between Latin America, theCaribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policies” is part of the Multi-Annual Regional Indicative Programme for Latin America for the financial period 2014-2020, specifically the priority area on the security-development nexus, which seeks to promote security conditions conducive to inclusive development. Building on the first phase of COPOLAD, this particular action aims at supporting the capacity of beneficiary states and communities to develop integrated, balanced and human rights-based national drug policies covering both drug demand and supply reduction efforts, in line with the principle of co-responsibility. Expected
results are an increased capacity to monitor drug issues and to formulate integrated, balanced and evidence-based drug policies at national level; reduced drug production, reduced demand and harm of drugs and reduced levels of drug trafficking; strengthened action against illicit financial flows and money laundering deriving from drug trafficking; increased control of precursors; and a strengthened EU-CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States) Coordination and Cooperation Mechanism on Drugs. During the identification and formulation phases, the results and lessons learnt of the ongoing (first) phase of COPOLAD as well as of other relevant EU initiatives, like the Cocaine Route Programme, funded under the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace, were carefully analysed and taken into account. Preliminary consultations were also carried out with the Latin American and Caribbean beneficiaries.

Asymmetric bargaining and development trade-offs in the CARIFORUM-European Union Economic Partnership Agreement

Publisher: 
Routledge
City: 
Abingdon
Volume, number, page: 
18:3, pp.328-357
Abstract: 
On 15 October 2008, CARIFORUM became the first region among the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries to sign a ‘full’ Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union (EU). Although the EPA process has generated widespread critical commentary, few analysts have stopped to consider the motives of individual ACP countries and regions in their approach to the talks. In this article we consider the question of motives in relation to the CARIFORUM-EU EPA. Specifically, it asks why did CARIFORUM feel it necessary or desirable to sign a ‘full’ EPA, containing numerous provisions not actually mandated by the WTO, when the rest of the ACP was content to sign far less ambitious ‘goods only’ interim agreements? In order to address this question, the article goes beyond the extant EU-ACP trade literature to build on wider international political economy (IPE) scholarship, which has analysed the actions of developing countries in relation to a whole range of ‘WTO-plus’ North–South regional and bilateral FTAs. On this basis, the article stands back from the complex details of the agreement to analyse its wider significance, especially in terms of the presumed trade-off between the immediate economic benefits of improved and more secure market access, against the longer term costs of sacrificing the regulatory autonomy, or policy space, deemed necessary to pursue the type of trade and industrial policies deployed successfully in the past by both developed and (some) developing countries. Put simply, the article seeks to ascertain why ultimately CARIFORUM signed an agreement, what it gained from the negotiations and at what cost.

The environment as a strategic priority in the European Union–Brazil partnership

is the EU behaving as a normative power or soft imperialist?
Publisher: 
Springer
City: 
Berlin
Volume, number, page: 
14:1, pp.47-64
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
In 2007, Brazil entered the European Union’s (EU) list of strategic partners; a token of recognition of the place Brazil occupies in current global affairs. Although promoting bilateral environmental convergence is a stated priority, cooperation between the EU and Brazil in this policy field is largely under-researched, raising interesting questions as to whether the current state of play could support EU claims for the normative orientation of its external environmental policy. Through an analysis of partnership activities in the fields of deforestation and biofuels, we suggest that while normative intentions may be regarded as a motivating force, critically viewing EU foreign environmental policy through a ‘soft imperialism’ lens could offer a more holistic understanding of the current state of bilateral cooperation. While the normative power thesis can be substantiated with regard to deforestation, we argue that by erecting barriers to shield its domestic biofuels production, the EU is placing trade competitiveness and economic growth above its normative aspirations. Subsequently, the partial adoption of sustainable development as an EU norm leads to policy incoherence and contradictory actions.

Relations between El Salvador and European Union Identification of TOP 10 imported/exported products

The analysis of a possible market extension
Publisher: 
University of Economics
City: 
Prague
Volume, number, page: 
17 p.
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper deals with relation between El Salvador and European Union. It contains a review of existing cooperation agreements between the regions. It's main goal was to identify the TOP 10 imported and exported products. It contains an analysis of a possible expansion of the market between them and an identification of products where there is commercial potential.

The EU-Brazil strategic partnership and the United Nations Climate Change Conferences: media diplomacy from Durban to Lima

Publisher: 
IRI
City: 
Brasilia
Volume, number, page: 
v.17, pp.1-17
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
The European Union-Brazil Strategic Partnership highlights collaboration in the fight against climate change. The aim of this paper is to analyse whether there has been coordination or, at least, a convergence of positions of the EU and Brazil in the last four United Nations Climate Change Conferences (2011-2014). To this aim, there is a review of academic and official sources and an empirical analysis of the media diplomacy messages of both actors at the four conferences which are object of study.

The Impact of Labour Rights Commitments in EU Trade Agreements

The Case of Peru
Publisher: 
Cogitatio Press
City: 
Lisbon
Volume, number, page: 
5:4, pp.6-18.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
While the inclusion of labour rights in European Union (EU) trade agreements has become an ‘unobjectionable norm’, analyses of their impact have been largely absent from the literature. This article aims to partly fill this gap in existing research by examining the impact of labour rights commitments in the EU–Peru–Colombia agreement, with particular reference to the agricultural sector in Peru. Following a brief background overview of labour rights in agriculture in Peru, we draw up the analytical framework for assessing the impact of these commitments. We discern three distinctive legal commitments and find that they are flexible and conservative, also compared to provisions in other EU trade agreements. Subsequently, we assess the impact of these commitments by analysing to what extent they are being upheld in practice. Empirical evidence from several sources, including field research, shows that the Peruvian government has failed to implement the labour rights commitments in several respects. In the conclusions, we point to the cautious role of the EU, which has scope to monitor Peru’s labour rights compliance more proactively.

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