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Foreign Policy

Honduras as a Complex Adaptive System and What It Means for the European Union

The Case of Violence
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
n.294
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper assesses why the various initiatives undertaken by the European Union in Honduras have not had the desired impact of reducing the extraordinary levels of violence in the country. The hypothesis put forward is that the EU’s approach to the issue of violence has been unsuccessful because it does not match the complexity of the problem encountered.
As an alternative, the paper puts forward complexity and human systems dynamics as conceptual frameworks for reinterpreting the issue of violence. It shows that violence is one of the results of an incoherent process of self‐organisation which marks Honduras and suggests ways of influencing the conditions that make up this pattern in order to address the problem of violence. It also outlines what this new approach would mean for the actions and policies proposed and implemented by the European Union.

Differences in the perception of interest representation:

a comparision of Brasília and Brussels lobbying activity
Publisher: 
CPDOC - FGV
City: 
Rio de Janeiro
Volume, number, page: 
68 p.
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed 'Capital of Europe', is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to 'play by the rules' in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

City-regions and their role in the Euro-Latin American relations

Publisher: 
Taylor & Francis Ltd.
Volume, number, page: 
2:1, pp.363-370
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper argues that a new agenda for the relations between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is necessary, and that city regions can play an important role in it. Due to the shortcomings of the previous interregional strategy and the futile discussion if Latin America follows the European integration model, this new agenda should focus more on triangular and decentralized forms of cooperation aid, trade issues, and the knowledge transfer of poverty- and polarization-reduction strategies. Based on the foreign policy approaches of two Colombian case studies (the city-regions of Barranquilla and Medellin), it is shown that the international activities of Latin American city-regions can open new perspectives for EU–LAC relations.

Brasil y España:

Tregua en la batalla del cruce de fronteras
Publisher: 
CIDOB
City: 
Barcelona
Volume, number, page: 
n. 155, pp.1-2.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Tras años de creciente tensión diplomática entre Brasil y España a causa de los rechazos de ciudadanos en las aduanas aeroportuarias, se ha firmado una tregua en la batalla del cruce de fronteras. Fue necesario que Brasil aplicara la reciprocidad a España para que ésta reaccionase y tomara medidas encaminadas a reparar los daños causados por una política migratoria miope. Brasil es ya la sexta potencia económica mundial y, a pesar de que los efectos de la crisis han ralentizado su crecimiento, es un mercado de enorme potencial y un destino estratégico para las inversiones españolas. Aunque tanto España como la UE hayan reconocido políticamente la pujanza de Brasil durante el último decenio y hayan establecido sendos acuerdos de asociación estratégica, en la práctica han mantenido dinámicas contradictorias. La política migratoria es una de ellas.

International Agreements in Progress :

EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
8 p.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Cuba is the only Latin American country to have no bilateral agreement with the EU. Between 1996 and December 2016, relations between the EU and Cuba were governed by the 1996 Common Position, which subordinated cooperation and the conclusion of any bilateral agreement to the achievement of visible progress in the field of democracy and human rights on the island. Nevertheless, political dialogue and cooperation were re-launched in 2008, following a leadership change in the country, and in February 2014 negotiating directives for a bilateral EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement were adopted by the Council. After seven rounds of negotiation, the agreement together with the proposal for its conclusion was published by the Commission on 25 November 2016, and the agreement was signed on 12 December 2016. Its three main chapters concern political dialogue, cooperation and sectoral policy dialogue, and trade and trade cooperation. Human rights remain a contentious issue.
The agreement has been submitted to the European Parliament for consent to its conclusion. The Committee on Foreign Affairs adopted a recommendation to give consent and an accompanying report on 20 June 2017; these are due to be voted during the July 2017 plenary session. The agreement also needs to be ratified by the EU's Member States.

Europen Union public diplomacy in Latin America

opportunities and challenges
Public diplomacy : European and Latin American perspectives.
Publisher: 
Lang
City: 
Bern
Volume, number, page: 
p.17-33.
Category: 
Abstract: 
Since its beginnings, the integration process of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by the strengthening of its ties with other world regions. Making intensive use of political-diplomatic, economic, military and civilian instruments – such as strategic partnerships, agreements of a mainly commercial nature, sanctions, sponsorship of development cooperation and humanitarian aid in pursuance of its foreign policy (Miralles Solé, 2014) – the EU also promotes its links with the populations of foreign countries through public diplomacy. This work presents the main theoretical aspects of the EU’s public diplomacy, the strategies and programmes employed and the transformations they have undergone as a consequence of technological progress. It highlights the impact this public diplomacy has had on relations with Latin America and draws some conclusions regarding the challenges and opportunities it offers. * Since its beginnings, the integration process of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by the strengthening of its ties with other world regions. Making intensive use of political-diplomatic, economic, military and civilian instruments – such as strategic partnerships, agree- ments of a mainly commercial nature, sanctions, sponsorship of devel- opment cooperation and humanitarian aid in pursuance of its foreign policy (Miralles Solé, 2014) – the EU also promotes its links with the populations of foreign countries through public diplomacy. Public Diplomacy 18 This work presents the main theoretical aspects...

The rise of biofuels in IR

the case of Brazilian foreign policy towards the EU
City: 
London
Volume, number, page: 
37:5, pp.902-916
Abstract: 
Biofuels are a growing alternative energy source. In a context of their growing global consumption, Brazil has shown particular interest in the European market. This paper analyses Brazilian foreign policy on biofuels towards the EU during Lula da Silva’s administration (2003–10). It examines the emergence of biofuels at a global level, the main guidelines of Brazilian foreign policy, Brazilian environmental foreign policy and, finally, the Brazilian political response to changes in European law.

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