Choose your language:

Foreign Policy

The Local Government Dimension of Relations between Poland and Latin America

Publisher: 
PISM
City: 
Warsaw
Volume, number, page: 
n.91, pp.1-2
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Poland’s interest in Latin America has been increasing in recent years, mainly in economic terms. Yet local government remains an underestimated tool in advancing these relations. Greater activity by Polish local authorities could help in developing business and academic ties with the region, and allow the exchange of experience in fields such as urban development and revitalisation. Geographical distance, lack of knowledge and financial constraints are the main reasons for Polish local authorities’ low interest in Latin America so far.

The Importance to Poland of Latin American Regional Cooperation Initiatives

Publisher: 
PISM
City: 
Warsaw
Volume, number, page: 
n.127, pp.1-2
Abstract: 
Regional cooperation initiatives are one of Latin American countries’ main policy tools. They have served to foster the development of member states, build common trust, and strengthen their international position. For Poland, the significance of some of the groupings mainly results from their status as EU partners. The main blocs are Mercosur and the Pacific Alliance—both include Poland’s main trading partners in the region—as well as the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC), which represents the whole region in strategic partnership with the EU.

The Importance of the Peace Process for Colombia’s International Position

Publisher: 
PISM
City: 
Warsaw
Volume, number, page: 
n.21, pp.1-2.
Abstract: 
The peace process with the largest guerrilla groups in Colombia is one of the main challenges in its domestic politics. It also has become an important tool to strengthen the country’s international status and ties with foreign partners, which support the process. In this group, the UN plays a prominent role through verification of the peace talks and the results. Since it is a regular issue on the UN Security Council (UNSC) agenda, it provides Poland, a non-permanent member, the opportunity to enhance the Polish-Colombian political dialogue and makes it more attractive as a European partner for Latin American countries.

More than numbers :

How migration data can deliver real-life benefits for migrants and governments(Final version for World Economic Forum in Davos on 24 January 2018)
Publisher: 
IOM
City: 
Geneva
Volume, number, page: 
124 p.
Abstract: 
Migration is a complex global challenge. Around 258 million people are currently estimated to be residing outside their country of birth – a number that has almost tripled in the past 50 years. This has policy implications across a myriad of dimensions ranging from border management to labour market participation and integration.
Decision makers absolutely need one thing to devise appropriate policies: reliable information. Relevant, high-quality dataI is critical for designing, implementing and evaluating policies that can generate substantial economic, social and humanitarian benefits for countries and migrants alike.
Despite widespread consensus on the importance of data to manage migration effectively, the current availability of relevant and reliable data is still very limited. Even when data is available, it is often not used to its full potential (including new data which is being produced in abundance from digital devices). Unfortunately, the current debate focuses far too much on how to get more and better data – a technical debate for experts
in the engine room of politics. This report aims to shift this debate from theory into practice. Decision makers need to be convinced of the value that migration data can deliver. This report is intended to support decision makers in capturing concrete economic, social
and humanitarian benefits in line with targets they choose to prioritize – by leveraging the data that matters.

Honduras as a Complex Adaptive System and What It Means for the European Union

The Case of Violence
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
n.294
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper assesses why the various initiatives undertaken by the European Union in Honduras have not had the desired impact of reducing the extraordinary levels of violence in the country. The hypothesis put forward is that the EU’s approach to the issue of violence has been unsuccessful because it does not match the complexity of the problem encountered.
As an alternative, the paper puts forward complexity and human systems dynamics as conceptual frameworks for reinterpreting the issue of violence. It shows that violence is one of the results of an incoherent process of self‐organisation which marks Honduras and suggests ways of influencing the conditions that make up this pattern in order to address the problem of violence. It also outlines what this new approach would mean for the actions and policies proposed and implemented by the European Union.

Differences in the perception of interest representation:

a comparision of Brasília and Brussels lobbying activity
Publisher: 
CPDOC - FGV
City: 
Rio de Janeiro
Volume, number, page: 
68 p.
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
The research topic of this paper is focused on the analysis of how trade associations perceive lobbying in Brussels and in Brasília. The analysis will be centered on business associations located in Brasília and Brussels as the two core centers of decision-making and as an attraction for the lobbying practice. The underlying principles behind the comparison between Brussels and Brasilia are two. Firstof all because the European Union and Brazil have maintained diplomatic relations since 1960. Through these relations they have built up close historical, cultural, economic and political ties. Their bilateral political relations culminated in 2007 with the establishment of a Strategic Partnership (EEAS website,n.d.). Over the years, Brazil has become a key interlocutor for the EU and it is the most important market for the EU in Latin America (European Commission, 2007). Taking into account the relations between EU and Brazil, this research could contribute to the reciprocal knowledge about the perception of lobby in the respective systems and the importance of the non-market strategy when conducting business. Second both EU and Brazilian systems have a multi-level governance structure: 28 Member States in the EU and 26 Member States in Brazil; in both systems there are three main institutions targeted by lobbying practice. The objective is to compare how differences in the institutional environments affect the perception and practice of lobbying, where institutions are defined as ‘‘regulative, normative, and cognitive structures and activities that provide stability and meaning to social behavior’’ (Peng et al., 2009). Brussels, the self-proclaimed 'Capital of Europe', is the headquarters of the European Union and has one of the highest concentrations of political power in the world. Four of the seven Institutions of the European Union are based in Brussels: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council and the European Commission (EU website, n.d.). As the power of the EU institutions has grown, Brussels has become a magnet for lobbyists, with the latest estimates ranging from between 15,000 and 30,000 professionals representing companies, industry sectors, farmers, civil society groups, unions etc. (Burson Marsteller, 2013). Brasília is the capital of Brazil and the seat of government of the Federal District and the three branches of the federal government of Brazilian legislative, executive and judiciary. The 4 city also hosts 124 foreign embassies. The presence of the formal representations of companies and trade associations in Brasília is very limited, but the governmental interests remain there and the professionals dealing with government affairs commute there. In the European Union, Brussels has established a Transparency Register that allows the interactions between the European institutions and citizen’s associations, NGOs, businesses, trade and professional organizations, trade unions and think tanks. The register provides citizens with a direct and single access to information about who is engaged in This process is important for the quality of democracy, and for its capacity to deliver adequate policies, matching activities aimed at influencing the EU decision-making process, which interests are being pursued and what level of resources are invested in these activities (Celgene, n.d). It offers a single code of conduct, binding all organizations and self-employed individuals who accept to 'play by the rules' in full respect of ethical principles (EC website, n.d). A complaints and sanctions mechanism ensures the enforcement of the rules and addresses suspected breaches of the code. In Brazil, there is no specific legislation regulating lobbying. The National Congress is currently discussing dozens of bills that address regulation of lobbying and the action of interest groups (De Aragão, 2012), but none of them has been enacted for the moment. This work will focus on class lobbying (Oliveira, 2004), which refers to the performance of the federation of national labour or industrial unions, like CNI (National Industry Confederation) in Brazil and the European Banking Federation (EBF) in Brussels. Their performance aims to influence the Executive and Legislative branches in order to defend the interests of their affiliates. When representing unions and federations, class entities cover a wide range of different and, more often than not, conflicting interests. That is why they are limited to defending the consensual and majority interest of their affiliates (Oliveira, 2004). The basic assumption of this work is that institutions matter (Peng et al, 2009) and that the trade associations and their affiliates, when doing business, have to take into account the institutional and regulatory framework where they do business.

City-regions and their role in the Euro-Latin American relations

Publisher: 
Taylor & Francis Ltd.
Volume, number, page: 
2:1, pp.363-370
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper argues that a new agenda for the relations between the European Union (EU) and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) is necessary, and that city regions can play an important role in it. Due to the shortcomings of the previous interregional strategy and the futile discussion if Latin America follows the European integration model, this new agenda should focus more on triangular and decentralized forms of cooperation aid, trade issues, and the knowledge transfer of poverty- and polarization-reduction strategies. Based on the foreign policy approaches of two Colombian case studies (the city-regions of Barranquilla and Medellin), it is shown that the international activities of Latin American city-regions can open new perspectives for EU–LAC relations.

Brasil y España:

Tregua en la batalla del cruce de fronteras
Publisher: 
CIDOB
City: 
Barcelona
Volume, number, page: 
n. 155, pp.1-2.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Tras años de creciente tensión diplomática entre Brasil y España a causa de los rechazos de ciudadanos en las aduanas aeroportuarias, se ha firmado una tregua en la batalla del cruce de fronteras. Fue necesario que Brasil aplicara la reciprocidad a España para que ésta reaccionase y tomara medidas encaminadas a reparar los daños causados por una política migratoria miope. Brasil es ya la sexta potencia económica mundial y, a pesar de que los efectos de la crisis han ralentizado su crecimiento, es un mercado de enorme potencial y un destino estratégico para las inversiones españolas. Aunque tanto España como la UE hayan reconocido políticamente la pujanza de Brasil durante el último decenio y hayan establecido sendos acuerdos de asociación estratégica, en la práctica han mantenido dinámicas contradictorias. La política migratoria es una de ellas.

International Agreements in Progress :

EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
8 p.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Cuba is the only Latin American country to have no bilateral agreement with the EU. Between 1996 and December 2016, relations between the EU and Cuba were governed by the 1996 Common Position, which subordinated cooperation and the conclusion of any bilateral agreement to the achievement of visible progress in the field of democracy and human rights on the island. Nevertheless, political dialogue and cooperation were re-launched in 2008, following a leadership change in the country, and in February 2014 negotiating directives for a bilateral EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement were adopted by the Council. After seven rounds of negotiation, the agreement together with the proposal for its conclusion was published by the Commission on 25 November 2016, and the agreement was signed on 12 December 2016. Its three main chapters concern political dialogue, cooperation and sectoral policy dialogue, and trade and trade cooperation. Human rights remain a contentious issue.
The agreement has been submitted to the European Parliament for consent to its conclusion. The Committee on Foreign Affairs adopted a recommendation to give consent and an accompanying report on 20 June 2017; these are due to be voted during the July 2017 plenary session. The agreement also needs to be ratified by the EU's Member States.

Pages

Subscribe to RSS - Foreign Policy