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CARIFORUM

Trade and development nexus :

reflections on the performance of trade in goods under the CARIFORUM-European Union Partnership Agreement A CARIFORUM perspective
Publisher: 
ECLAC
City: 
Santiago
Volume, number, page: 
54 p.
Abstract: 
Given the asymmetry in the levels of development and capacity which exist between the EU and CARIFORUM States, the architects of the CARIFORUM-European Union (EU) Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) anticipated the need for review and monitoring of the impacts of
implementation. Article 5 and other provisions in the Agreement therefore specifically mandate that monitoring be undertaken to ensure that the Agreement benefits a wide cross-section of the population in member countries.The paper seeks to provide a preliminary assessment of the impact of the EPA on CARIFORUM countries. In so doing, it highlights some critical information and implementation gaps and challenges that have emerged during the implementation process. The analysis however, is restricted to goods trade. The services sector will be the subject of a separate report.
The paper draws on a combination of quantitative and qualitative analyses. While the paper undertakes a CARIFORUM-wide analysis for the most part, five CARIFORUM member states including Barbados, Dominican Republic, Guyana, Saint Kitts and Nevis and Saint Lucia are examined more closely in some instances. These economies were selected by virtue of economic structure and development constraints, as a representative subset of CARIFORUM, which comprises the CARICOM membership as well as the Dominican Republic.

The trade chapter of the European Union association agreement with Central America

Study
Publisher: 
European Parliament
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
65 p.
Abstract: 
The EU Central America Association Agreement is an example of the successful completion of a region-to-region agreement and therefore in line with the EU’s aim of promoting regional integration in other regions through trade and association agreements.
For the EU, economic welfare gains and employment effects from the trade chapter of the Agreement are because of the relative small size of the Central American market expected to be negligible. However, EU exporters will benefit from lower tariffs on manufactured goods especially in automobiles. For the Central American countries (CA), there is the potential of significant gains, but these are not evenly spread. The fact that
CA exporters already benefited from zero tariffs on almost all exports to the EU under the extended Generalised System of Preferences (GSP+) means that there are relatively few sectors that will have enhanced access with the exception of bananas, raw cane sugar and shrimps. Above all, the Agreement will provide legally secure access to the EU market. The Agreement also tackles cross border services and establishment, technical
barriers to trade (TBT), sanitary and phytosanitary (SPS) issues as well as trade remedies in the shape of anti-dumping, countervailing duties or multilateral safeguards. The provisions on intellectual property rights include Geographic Indications (GIs). The trade chapter furthermore contains a human rights clause which stipulates that the parties must ensure that human rights are respected within their jurisdiction. Furthermore there
are provisions on sustainable development.

EU trade with Latin America and the Caribbean :

Overview and figures
Publisher: 
35 p.
City: 
Brussels
Category: 
Abstract: 
This publication provides an overview of trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings. The EU has fully fledged agreements with two Latin American groupings (Cariforum and the Central America group), a multiparty trade agreement with three members of the Andean Community (Colombia, Ecuador, and Peru), and bilateral agreements with Chile and Mexico. Since November 2017, a new agreement governing trade relations with Cuba has also been provisionally applied. In addition, the EU is currently modernising its agreements with Mexico (with which it has reached an 'agreement in principle') and Chile. The EU also has framework agreements with Mercosur and its individual members (Argentina, Brazil, Paraguay, and Uruguay). The agreement with the former will be replaced, once the ongoing negotiations on an EU-Mercosur association agreement have been completed. This publication provides recent data on trade relations between the EU and Latin American and Caribbean countries and groupings, compares the main agreements governing trade relations that are already in place, and analyses the rationale behind the ongoing negotiations on the EU-Mercosur, EU-Mexico and EU-Chile agreements. This is a revised and updated edition of a publication from October 2017 by Gisela Grieger and Roderick Harte, PE 608.793.

Economic partnership agreements between the EU and the African, Caribbean and Pacific group of countries :

new governance or new dependency?
Publisher: 
ipea
City: 
Brasilia
Volume, number, page: 
1:1, pp.29-52
Abstract: 
For a long time, the cooperation between the European Union (EU) and the African, Caribbean and Pacific Countries (ACP) has been considered a “progressive” model of partnership. However, the Cotonou Agreement (2000) marked a deep change in the relationship between them, since it imposed the implementation of a free-trade-based commercial framework, requiring relationships to be based on a new form of governance. Many ACP countries dispute the use of the concept of governance by the EU, considering it an instrument of power aiming to establish a new center (EU)–periphery (ACP) dependence in the context of globalization. To analyze this process, this paper reviews the stakes involved in negotiations, the action of legitimizing the EU (the new governance), the building of critical discourse (the new dependence) and the effects of this confrontation on the implementation of agreements.

Dealing with diversity The EU and Latin America today

Publisher: 
EUISS
City: 
Paris
Volume, number, page: 
n.145.
Category: 
Abstract: 
This Chaillot Paper examines the relationship between the EU and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). It contends that the original assumptions underpinning EU policy towards the region no longer apply, due to the erosion of the liberal consensus, as well as the ongoing obstacles to regional integration in LAC.
Highlighting the various shortcomings in this bi-regional relationship, the paper argues that focusing on bilateral relations between the EU and individual countries is the way to move forward today, as it is in this sphere that deeper and more concrete cooperation has been strongest. This is because this level of interaction is best suited to accommodate an increasingly diverse region.

Asymmetric bargaining and development trade-offs in the CARIFORUM-European Union Economic Partnership Agreement

Publisher: 
Routledge
City: 
Abingdon
Volume, number, page: 
18:3, pp.328-357
Abstract: 
On 15 October 2008, CARIFORUM became the first region among the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group of countries to sign a ‘full’ Economic Partnership Agreement (EPA) with the European Union (EU). Although the EPA process has generated widespread critical commentary, few analysts have stopped to consider the motives of individual ACP countries and regions in their approach to the talks. In this article we consider the question of motives in relation to the CARIFORUM-EU EPA. Specifically, it asks why did CARIFORUM feel it necessary or desirable to sign a ‘full’ EPA, containing numerous provisions not actually mandated by the WTO, when the rest of the ACP was content to sign far less ambitious ‘goods only’ interim agreements? In order to address this question, the article goes beyond the extant EU-ACP trade literature to build on wider international political economy (IPE) scholarship, which has analysed the actions of developing countries in relation to a whole range of ‘WTO-plus’ North–South regional and bilateral FTAs. On this basis, the article stands back from the complex details of the agreement to analyse its wider significance, especially in terms of the presumed trade-off between the immediate economic benefits of improved and more secure market access, against the longer term costs of sacrificing the regulatory autonomy, or policy space, deemed necessary to pursue the type of trade and industrial policies deployed successfully in the past by both developed and (some) developing countries. Put simply, the article seeks to ascertain why ultimately CARIFORUM signed an agreement, what it gained from the negotiations and at what cost.

The Caribbean in the European Union-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States Partnership

The Caribbean in the European Union-Community of Latin American and Caribbean States Partnership
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
125 p.
Abstract: 
Historically, the relationship between Latin America and the Anglophone Caribbean had been termed “distant”. Although the warming of relations started several decades before, the 1990s – the post-Cold War era – saw an intensification of engagement, fuelled by the imperatives of globalisation and the need for collaboration in an increasingly interdependent world. The strongest indication of the two sub-regions’ commitment to collaboration thus far was the establishment of CELAC in 2011.
In 2013, CELAC became the organism through which the Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) region relates to the European Union (EU) in a strategic partnership, established between the two parties since 1999. A strengthened CELAC is therefore necessary for enhancing the Bi-regional Partnership. Some of CELAC’s objectives are to promote regional integration, strengthen regional unity, and develop ties of solidarity and cooperation among LAC countries. The aim of this study revolves around achieving the above objectives, which inform the main research question: how can the participation of the Caribbean in CELAC be strengthened in order to boost CELAC and the Bi-regional Strategic Partnership? The Caribbean, in the case of the study is defined as CARIFORUM. However, we note that challenges of relationsbetween the Caribbean and Latin America are being experienced predominantly by CARICOM states, the non – Latin members of the Caribbean sub-grouping. As the Caribbean relates to the EU in the African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) group, the study also examines the ACP-EU relationship vis-à-vis the Caribbean’s engagement in CELAC and the Bi-regional Strategic Partnership.
Based on the work of Sandler (2010), the study adopts the view that the Caribbean’s participation in CELAC is likely to be enhanced and sustained on the basis of the challenges that it shares with Latin America, and proposes the following areas for collaboration: poverty and inequality,crime and security, food security, non-communicable diseases, financial vulnerability and governance and transparency.

Overview and figures

in-depth analysis
Overview and figures
Publisher: 
European Parliament
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
24 p.
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
Trade relations between the EU and Latin American countries have come back into the spotlight in recent years. Collectively, the countries forming the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States (CELAC) represent the fifth largest trading partner of the EU. The EU has concluded agreements with two Latin American (LA) groupings (Cariforum and the Central America group) and with four other Latin American countries (Mexico, Chile, Peru and Colombia). The FTAs concluded by the EU with Latin American countries differ considerably in terms of coverage and methodology depending on the time at which they were concluded and the context of the negotiations. The EU now aims to modernise the oldest FTAs, concluded with Mexico and Chile, in order to align them to the current standards of EU FTAs. The longstanding negotiations on a comprehensive trade agreement with Mercosur – which would mean the EU then had trade agreements with nearly all of Latin America – are yet to pick up pace, however

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