Agreement

The main goal of this study is to provide facts and figures as well as a detailed analysis on the function, use, obstacles to the implementation of, and any potential gaps in, Mutual Legal Assistance (MLA) existing mechanisms and extradition agreements. It also addresses other relevant elements to
allow for an initial evaluation based on the relevant information. This is to enable a decision to be made on whether, and if so how, judicial cooperation should/could be improved and with which instruments. It includes an evaluation of the need and the potential added value of entering into EU level MLA and extradition agreements, while also taking into account de facto situations such as the functioning of the judicial system and the application of fundamental principles. Within this main framework the objectives of this report are addressed in to offer outcomes which stem from the research process. The research strategy combines a general study of the existing cooperation between EU Member States and LAC countries, with a detailed study of judicial cooperation in Latin America, based on thorough research of particular LAC and European countries, together with a specific analysis of some variables related to this subject matter.

The EU’s relations with Latin America and the Caribbean are multifaceted and conducted at different levels. The EU interacts with the entire region through summits of the heads of state and government, while agreements and political dialogue bind the EU and the Caribbean, Central America, the Andean Community, Mercosur and individual countries.

What drives processes of institution building within regional international organizations? We challenge those established theories of regionalism, and of institutionalized cooperation more broadly, that treat different organizations as independent phenomena whose evolution is conditioned primarily by internal causal factors. Developing the basic premise of ‘diffusion theory’ — meaning that decision-making is interdependent across organizations — we argue that institutional pioneers, and specifically the European Union, shape regional institution-building processes in a number of discernible ways. We then hypothesize two pathways — active and passive — of European Union influence, and stipulate an endogenous capacity for institutional change as a key scope condition for their operation. Drawing on a new and original data set on the institutional design of 34 regional international organizations in the period from 1950 to 2010, the article finds that: (1) both the intensity of a regional international organization’s structured interaction with the European Union (active influence) and the European Union’s own level of delegation (passive influence) are associated with higher levels of delegation within other regional international organizations; (2) passive European Union influence exerts a larger overall substantive effect than active European Union influence does; and (3) these effects are strongest among those regional international organizations that are based on founding contracts containing open-ended commitments. These findings indicate that the creation and subsequent institutional evolution of the European Union has made a difference to the evolution of institutions in regional international organizations elsewhere, thereby suggesting that existing theories of regionalism are insufficiently able to account for processes of institution building in such contexts.

Twenty-eight European Union (EU) Member States and 78 African, Caribbean and Pacific (ACP) countries are legally bound by the provisions of the Cotonou Agreement, with its three intertwined pillars: a political dimension, development strategies and economic and trade cooperation. In
February 2020, the Cotonou Agreement will expire and a new relationship has to be designed, taking into account the achievements and shortcomings of the agreement. The EU position is expected by May 2017. The European Parliament's consent will be required before a new agreement is concluded

Cuba is the only Latin American country to have no bilateral agreement with the EU. Between 1996 and December 2016, relations between the EU and Cuba were governed by the 1996 Common Position, which subordinated cooperation and the conclusion of any bilateral agreement to the achievement of visible progress in the field of democracy and human rights on the island. Nevertheless, political dialogue and cooperation were re-launched in 2008, following a leadership change in the country, and in February 2014 negotiating directives for a bilateral EU-Cuba Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement were adopted by the Council. After seven rounds of negotiation, the agreement together with the proposal for its conclusion was published by the Commission on 25 November 2016, and the agreement was signed on 12 December 2016. Its three main chapters concern political dialogue, cooperation and sectoral policy dialogue, and trade and trade cooperation. Human rights remain a contentious issue.
The agreement has been submitted to the European Parliament for consent to its conclusion. The Committee on Foreign Affairs adopted a recommendation to give consent and an accompanying report on 20 June 2017; these are due to be voted during the July 2017 plenary session. The agreement also needs to be ratified by the EU's Member States.

Since its beginnings, the integration process of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by the strengthening of its ties with other world regions. Making intensive use of political-diplomatic, economic, military and civilian instruments – such as strategic partnerships, agreements of a mainly commercial nature, sanctions, sponsorship of development cooperation and humanitarian aid in pursuance of its foreign policy (Miralles Solé, 2014) – the EU also promotes its links with the populations of foreign countries through public diplomacy. This work presents the main theoretical aspects of the EU’s public diplomacy, the strategies and programmes employed and the transformations they have undergone as a consequence of technological progress. It highlights the impact this public diplomacy has had on relations with Latin America and draws some conclusions regarding the challenges and opportunities it offers. * Since its beginnings, the integration process of the European Union (EU) has been accompanied by the strengthening of its ties with other world regions. Making intensive use of political-diplomatic, economic, military and civilian instruments – such as strategic partnerships, agree- ments of a mainly commercial nature, sanctions, sponsorship of devel- opment cooperation and humanitarian aid in pursuance of its foreign policy (Miralles Solé, 2014) – the EU also promotes its links with the populations of foreign countries through public diplomacy. Public Diplomacy 18 This work presents the main theoretical aspects...

Biodiversity loss and climate change are both globally significant issues that must be addressed through collaboration across countries and disciplines. With the December 2015 COP21 climate conference in Paris and the recent creation of the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES), it has become critical to evaluate the capacity for global research networks to develop at the interface between biodiversity and climate change. In the context of the European Union (EU) strategy to stand as a world leader in tackling global challenges, the European Commission has promoted ties between the EU and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) in science, technology and innovation.
However, it is not clear how these significant interactions impact scientific cooperation at the interface of biodiversity and climate change. We looked at research collaborations between two major regions—the European Research Area (ERA) and LAC—that addressed both biodiversity and climate change. We analysed the temporal evolution of these collaborations, whether they were led by ERA or LAC teams, and which research
domains they covered. We surveyed publications listed on the Web of Science that were authored by researchers from both the ERA and LAC and that were published between 2003 and 2013. We also run similar analyses on other topics and other continents to provide baseline comparisons. Our results revealed a steady increase in scientific co-authorships between ERA and LAC countries as a result of the increasingly complex web of relationships that has been weaved among scientists from the two regions. The ERA-LAC coauthorship increase for biodiversity and climate change was higher than those reported forother topics and for collaboration with other continents. We also found strong differences in international collaboration patterns within the LAC: co-publications were fewest from researchers in low- and lower-middle-income countries and most prevalent from researchers in emerging countries like Mexico and Brazil. Overall, interdisciplinary publications represented 25.8%of all publications at the interface of biodiversity and climate change in the ERA-LAC network. Further scientific collaborations should be promoted 1) to prevent less developed countries from being isolated from the global cooperation network, 2) to ensure that scientists from these countries are trained to lead visible and recognized biodiversity and climate change research, and 3) to develop common study models that better integrate multiple scientific disciplines and better support decision-making.

This brief discusses the evolving nature of EU - Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) relations since the 1999 Rio summit. By evaluating the changing dynamics encountered internally and externally by both the EU and LAC countries, the author maps out the main issues which will be addressed at the EU-CELAC summit in Brussels in June 2015.

In Latin America, the high economic dynamism experienced at the beginning of the 21st century reduced poverty, but also led to the creation of negative externalities such as increasing greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions responsible for climate change. Latin America’s current development paradigm relies on extractive industries (mining, oil, gas, and timber) and the expansion of agribusiness activities. Yet this model is inconsistent with the low carbon development path outlined in the Paris Climate Agreement, and jeopardises Latin America’s economic, energy, and climate security.
Latin American countries share a number of features that are relevant to the transition to low carbon development. A low carbon set of policies in the region is fundamental for protecting the environment, fighting climate change, attracting foreign investments, re-organising the region’s economies, and creating new opportunities for social development.

This paper examines one important dimension of the European Union's (EU) 'regional' engagement with the Caribbean: its relations with the Overseas Countries and Territories (OCT), with a particular focus on the possibility of furthering the policy goals of greater regional integration and cooperation. It does so in three parts. The first sets out the basis for current EU policy to the OCT which has been under discussion between the EU, the OCT and the four EU member states most involved (Denmark, France, the Netherlands and the United Kingdom) since 2008. It reports EU proposals for change and the responses to them by the Caribbean OCTs. The second part examines EU policy toward promoting greater regional cooperation among the Caribbean OCTs and between them and some of the other Caribbean regional organizations. Three distinct frameworks for cooperation and integration are discussed: with independent states as established in the Caribbean Community, the Caribbean Forum and the Economic Partnership Agreement; with the French departments and collectivities; and with the Caribbean OCT. In each the position of the Caribbean OCT is situated. The final part briefly discusses the creation of a 'new' framework for regional cooperation specific for the Caribbean OCT which will most closely match their interests in the Caribbean.