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Honduras

Trade :

The Undervalued Driver of Regional Integration in Latin America
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
n.5 , pp.1-10.
Abstract: 
Many regional organisations in Latin America are currently in crisis. Trade agreements, however, have made progress in the region. Today, 80 per cent of intra-regional trade is already under preferences. In March 2017 several international financial organisations – the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) – each independently proposed the creation of a Latin American and Caribbean free trade area

Human rights dialogue between the European Union and Central America

City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
28 p.
Abstract: 
This report is a brief study of the political dialogue on human rights between the European Union and Central America and acts as a basis for the preparation of an own-initiative report by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights. Political dialogue is today considered to be the European Union’s most important instrument for external action. It entails dialogue on equal terms that recognises the different situations of the parties involved and uses cooperation as a common working method.One result of this instrument is the development of relations with the Central American isthmus, based on the Framework Cooperation Agreement with Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua
and Panama, which was signed on 22 February 1993 and entered into force on 1 March 1999. The socalled San José Dialogue has also helped to contribute to the stability of these relations. The instability of the Central American region in past decades, caused by armed conflicts, has had a direct impact on the limited development of these nations. Nonetheless, and in spite of their terrible consequences, there is a social desire for change in the region, focusing on the improvement of living conditions in a peaceful context. Aware of the new development situation arising in the region, the European Union decided that it was appropriate to include Central America in its human development programmes, based on the promotion of democracy and human rights. This initiative gave rise to the Multiannual Programme for the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Central America, which establishes different programmes for each country, and involves leaders and groups from civil society. By implementing these programmes the European Union is paving the way for comprehensive development among the actors involved. After analysing the above channels, this paper suggests a series of strategic recommendations to be considered as a preliminary analysis for the formulation of a framework strategy.

Honduras as a Complex Adaptive System and What It Means for the European Union

The Case of Violence
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
n.294
Category: 
Considered Countries: 
Abstract: 
This paper assesses why the various initiatives undertaken by the European Union in Honduras have not had the desired impact of reducing the extraordinary levels of violence in the country. The hypothesis put forward is that the EU’s approach to the issue of violence has been unsuccessful because it does not match the complexity of the problem encountered.
As an alternative, the paper puts forward complexity and human systems dynamics as conceptual frameworks for reinterpreting the issue of violence. It shows that violence is one of the results of an incoherent process of self‐organisation which marks Honduras and suggests ways of influencing the conditions that make up this pattern in order to address the problem of violence. It also outlines what this new approach would mean for the actions and policies proposed and implemented by the European Union.

Forging Bonds with Emigrants :

Challenges for Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
53 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
This document is based on the discussions which developed within the framework of the Seminar “Forging Bonds with Emigrants: Challenges for Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean” (https://www.giga-hamburg.de/forging-bonds-eulac), organised by the EU-LAC Foundation, the GIGA German Institute of Global and Area Studies and the Development Bank of Latin America (CAF), which took place at the Senate of the city of Hamburg, Germany, on September 18th to 20th, 2017.
Current debates on the subject of migration in Europe, Latin America and the Caribbean revolve around the challenges
posed by the increase in migration flows and the integration of immigrants in the States receiving them (Migration Policy Institute 2016). Much less attention is paid to the fact that some countries of these regions are exemplary in terms of the policies they have developed towards their emigrants. To better understand the migratory phenomenon and identify possibilities for international cooperation in this area, it is essential to understand that all immigrants are also emigrants. It is therefore also fundamental to investigate the policies adopted by the countries of origin to create or maintain links with their communities of citizens residing abroad. This article offers insights to understand these policies from a comparative perspective, illustrating good practices and making recommendations to help academia, private stakeholders, civil society and policy-makers to improve these bonds. In addition to the institutional agents, the migrants in the European Union and Latin America and the Caribbean are also principal stakeholders in the bi-regional relationship; their presence helps us to appreciate the relevance and necessity of the relationship between these regions and demonstrates the importance of a structured bi-regional dialogue on migration to resolve these challenges.

EU development cooperation with Latin America

Publisher: 
European Parliament
City: 
Bruselas
Volume, number, page: 
12 p.
Abstract: 
EU development cooperation with Latin America is mainly conducted through the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) and its different geographical (regional, sub-regional and bilateral) and thematic programmes. Nevertheless, the 2014-2020 programming period has brought about the introduction of a new blending financial instrument for the region, the Latin American Investment Facility (LAIF), which combines EU grants with other resources. It has also seen the transition of most Latin American countries ...

Dealing with diversity The EU and Latin America today

Publisher: 
EUISS
City: 
Paris
Volume, number, page: 
n.145.
Category: 
Abstract: 
This Chaillot Paper examines the relationship between the EU and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC). It contends that the original assumptions underpinning EU policy towards the region no longer apply, due to the erosion of the liberal consensus, as well as the ongoing obstacles to regional integration in LAC.
Highlighting the various shortcomings in this bi-regional relationship, the paper argues that focusing on bilateral relations between the EU and individual countries is the way to move forward today, as it is in this sphere that deeper and more concrete cooperation has been strongest. This is because this level of interaction is best suited to accommodate an increasingly diverse region.

Climate Finance Regional Briefing:

Latin America
Publisher: 
ODI
City: 
London
Volume, number, page: 
n.6.
Abstract: 
Latin America is a highly heterogeneous region, with differences in levels of economic development and social and indigenous history, both among and within countries. The impacts of climate change, in particular glacial melt and changes in river flows, extreme events and risks to food production systems affect development in both rural and urban areas in the region (World Bank, 2014). Climate finance in the Latin American region is highly concentrated, with a few of the largest countries in the region such as Brazil and Mexico receiving a large share of the funding. Mitigation activities receive more than eight times that of adaptation at USD 2.4 billion and USD 0.3 billion respectively. Since 2003, a total of USD 2.8 billion has been approved for 359 projects in the region.1 Of this amount, USD 1.8 billion is in the form of grants, while slightly over USD 1 billion is provided through concessional loans, largely through projects funded under the World Bank’s Climate
Investment Funds, implemented in the region by the Inter-American Development Bank. Only nine projects have been approved in Latin America by multilateral climate funds so far in 2016. Notably, these include three projects under the new Green Climate Fund, which is providing USD 112 million in loans and grants to support solar energy in Chile, energy efficiency investments in El Salvador and forest protection measures in Ecuador.

Emigrant Policies in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Emigrant Policies in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Publisher: 
FLACSO-Chile
City: 
Santiago
Volume, number, page: 
358 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
Nation-states are no longer contained by their borders. In times of mass migration and ever more dense transnational networks, states of all sizes and all migration profiles reach out to their emigrated citizens in wholly new ways. The variety of policies that target emigrants (“emigrant policies”) is so vast that it seems to have become a new state function. For example, it is well known that states are expanding citizen participation beyond the nation’s boundaries through voting rights and new modalities of representation and that they are opening channels for remittance transfer and offering specific investment opportunities to returning emigrants. However, other, less studied emigrant policies, comprise the symbolic incorporation of emigrants into the nation-state (e.g. through awards celebrating emigrants’ achievements); social service provisions for non-residents (e.g. health and education); and the institutional inclusion of emigrants in consultative bodies, to name just a few.
This book is the first to systematically take stock of the emigrant policies in place across 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries, as of 2015. By covering an entire geographical region and being based on rigorous data-collection, this will be a reference in a literature that has so far centered on a few specific cases. Also, our proposed definition of “emigrant policies” encompasses a wide range of policies that are aimed at emigrants beyond the “usual suspects” analyzed in the extant literature (electoral, citizenship, and economic policies), resulting in 112 different dimensions. This survey of such a broad sample of countries and policy dimensions will allow researchers to theorize and make comparisons on models of emigrant policy on a solid empirical and conceptual base.

Contributions made by decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America to territorial cooperation in Latin America

issues for debate
Contributions made by decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America to territorial cooperation in Latin America
Publisher: 
OCD
City: 
Barcelona
Volume, number, page: 
142 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
The present study is the result of a process of reflection carried out under the auspices of the Observatory on Decentralised Cooperation (OCD) between the European Union and Latin America regarding the phenomenon of territorial cooperation in both regions. Its aim is to reflect upon the relevance and potential that public decentralised cooperation between Europe and Latin America has to strengthen in a decisive manner the territorial cooperation processes already underway in Latin America.The starting point for the study is the conviction that the territorial cooperation dynamics that have emerged in the heart of the European Union have been especially rich and that the experience accumulated in this fi eld represents a fundamental contribution to regional integration processes. The second important point of departure is the recognition that public decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America is an emerging phenomenon, whose dynamism and specifi characteristics make it a privileged channel for the exchange of experiences between both regions and a means of enhancing local authorities’s administrative capacities and strengthening policies to promote social cohesion from a territorial perspective.It is these two premises that stimulated the Observatory’s interest in researching the extent to which decentralised cooperation could contribute to making territorial cooperation in Latin America more dynamic.

The European Union as a Conveniently-conflicted Counter-hegemon through Trade

Publisher: 
UACES
City: 
London
Volume, number, page: 
9:4, pp.560-577
Abstract: 
This article addresses the failure by scholars of EU trade policy to fully explain the difficulties faced in realising the ‘normative’ goals contained within the European Union’s external trade policy and the conviction that it might be a ‘force for good’ through trade. In seeking to account for and, in particular, move beyond the failure to fully explain these difficulties, the article adopts a critical social science approach that focuses on relations of domination and the (potentially misleading) appearances that such relations tend to uphold. In contrast to the traditional view of the EU as a potential ‘force for good’, we conceptualise it as a site of domination, focusing in particular on three mechanisms through which this domination is achieved – expansive market (capitalist) exchange, the ‘Othering’ that tends to accompany such processes of expansion, and the de-politicisation necessary to achieve and/or legitimate these processes. The article proceeds to explore recent developments in EU trade policy, and in particular the Global Europe agenda and associated new generation of free trade agreements with trade partners in Asia and Latin America. In doing so, the article examines the extent to which processes of market expansion, Othering and de-politicisation have been realised in recent EU trade policy. It argues for a conceptualisation of the European Union as a conveniently-conflicted counter-hegemon through trade, whereby the EU presents itself as a potential “force for good” through trade, but simultaneously avoids the realisation of that potential (and justifies its non-realisation) by evoking the conveniently-conflicted status that arises from institutional constraints and both internal disagreements and external differences. This account, we claim, is both more plausible than the existing empirical accounts in that it is able to explain the consistent promotion of an apparently unrealisable ‘progressive’ agenda by the European Union, and an improvement upon those accounts in that it illuminates and demystifies relations of domination and certain ideas that act to uphold them.

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