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Trade :

The Undervalued Driver of Regional Integration in Latin America
Publisher: 
GIGA
City: 
Hamburg
Volume, number, page: 
n.5 , pp.1-10.
Abstract: 
Many regional organisations in Latin America are currently in crisis. Trade agreements, however, have made progress in the region. Today, 80 per cent of intra-regional trade is already under preferences. In March 2017 several international financial organisations – the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund (IMF), and the Inter-American Development Bank (IDB) – each independently proposed the creation of a Latin American and Caribbean free trade area

The environmental and economic benefits for the European Union of strengthening co-operation with the Latin American region in the field of environment

Final Report
Publisher: 
Publications Office
City: 
Luxemburg
Volume, number, page: 
63 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
Environment is receiving increased attention in the EU cooperation agenda, also in light of the EU’s objective of reducing its global environmental footprint. In this context, the main purpose of this study is to ascertain the economic and environmental benefits which could accrue to the EU from strengthening co-operation with Latin America in the field of environment. Based on an analysis of the main drivers of demand of environmental goods and services (EGS) and market conditions (including barriers to trade and investment), as well as on the creation of market development scenarios, the study shows that increased co-operation with Latin America can offer significant business opportunities for EU companies operating in the environmental market, particularly in the water and waste management sectors. Case studies for different countries (Mexico, Chile, Brazil and Colombia) assess opportunities in different segments. The study also highlights the scope for reduction of the EU environmental footprint linked to the consumption of commodities imported from Latin America. Finally, the study identifies pragmatic policy recommendations, highlighting the need to make efforts to reduce barriers to trade and investment in EGS, improving knowledge base of EU business and reducing EU’s environmental footprint.

Social Standards in Bilateral and Regional Trade and Investment Agreements

Instruments, Enforcement, and Policy Options for Trade Unions
Publisher: 
FES
City: 
Geneva
Volume, number, page: 
n.16, pp.
Category: 
Abstract: 
Despite efforts of the ILO, no viable multilateral labor rights regime has been established. At the same time, an increasingly global economy requires such regimes in order to prevent ruinous competition between countries competing in similar product markets on the basis of a similar set of production factors. Particularly if cheap labor is one of these factors, systematic violations of labor rights may be used as source of competitive advantages, even if such advantages are marginal. So-called ‘core labor rights’ can enable domestic actors to fight for improved standards.
Unilateral labor rights provisions do exist in the Generalized System of Preferences of the United States and the European Union, and have been applied with some success. However, attempts of the international labor movement to establish more enforceable multilateral labor rights provisions at the WTO have failed so far. Civil society actors have therefore stepped up their efforts to push individual transnational
enterprises to adopt so-called voluntary codes of conduct, with mixed (and limited) success.
A more recent strategy is the inclusion of labor rights provisions in bilateral or regional trade and investment agreements. With the multilateral trade process stalling, the governments of developed countries are moving toward bilateral and regional negotiations, where they have more bargaining power. Also, the value of unilateral trade preference schemes has decreased due to multilateral liberalization. Labor rights provisions in bilateral or regional agreements may thus be seen as a promis-ing strategy for improving compliance regarding core labor rights.
Specific labor rights provisions have been included in several agreements negotiated by the U.S., and more general provisions are to be found in agreements of the EU. Most U.S. provisions are effectively limited to the commitment of parties to enforce domestic labor law. However, there are notable exceptions in the agreements with Cambodia and Jordan, which could serve as examples for future labor rights provisions. In EU bilateral agreements, the focus is clearly on general human rights, development issues, technical cooperation and political dialogue, rather than on specific and enforceable labor rights provisions.
In addition to the problematic subordination of labor rights decisions to foreign policy objectives, there are two main problems for even the strongest labor rights provisions: First, their effective enforcement relies on strong local actors; yet it is the absence or weakness of such actors that makes external pressure necessary in the first place. Second, labor relations are among the most political domestic institutions, and resistance to external pressure can be expected not just in cases of systematic violations of core labor rights.

Human rights dialogue between the European Union and Central America

City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
28 p.
Abstract: 
This report is a brief study of the political dialogue on human rights between the European Union and Central America and acts as a basis for the preparation of an own-initiative report by the European Parliament’s Subcommittee on Human Rights. Political dialogue is today considered to be the European Union’s most important instrument for external action. It entails dialogue on equal terms that recognises the different situations of the parties involved and uses cooperation as a common working method.One result of this instrument is the development of relations with the Central American isthmus, based on the Framework Cooperation Agreement with Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, Honduras, Nicaragua
and Panama, which was signed on 22 February 1993 and entered into force on 1 March 1999. The socalled San José Dialogue has also helped to contribute to the stability of these relations. The instability of the Central American region in past decades, caused by armed conflicts, has had a direct impact on the limited development of these nations. Nonetheless, and in spite of their terrible consequences, there is a social desire for change in the region, focusing on the improvement of living conditions in a peaceful context. Aware of the new development situation arising in the region, the European Union decided that it was appropriate to include Central America in its human development programmes, based on the promotion of democracy and human rights. This initiative gave rise to the Multiannual Programme for the Promotion of Democracy and Human Rights in Central America, which establishes different programmes for each country, and involves leaders and groups from civil society. By implementing these programmes the European Union is paving the way for comprehensive development among the actors involved. After analysing the above channels, this paper suggests a series of strategic recommendations to be considered as a preliminary analysis for the formulation of a framework strategy.

First Europe-Latin America Dialogue on Promotion of Energy Efficiency

(Brussels, Belgium, 28-30 October 1998)
Publisher: 
ECLAC
City: 
Santiago
Volume, number, page: 
82 p.
Abstract: 
This report contains a recap of the presentations given by the speakers at the “First Europe-Latin America Dialogue on Promotion of Energy Efficiency”, held in Brussels from 28 to 30 October 1998. The event was organized within the framework of the “Promotion of Energy Efficiency in Latin America” Project, which is cofinanced by ECLAC, through its Natural Resources and Infrastructure Division, and the SYNERGY Programme of the European Commission’s XVII Directorate-General of Energy. The project is under the direction of Fernando Sánchez Albavera, ECLAC Regional Adviser on Mining and Energy, and François Casana, head of the European Commission’s SYNERGY Programme.

EU development cooperation with Latin America

Publisher: 
European Parliament
City: 
Bruselas
Volume, number, page: 
12 p.
Abstract: 
EU development cooperation with Latin America is mainly conducted through the Development Cooperation Instrument (DCI) and its different geographical (regional, sub-regional and bilateral) and thematic programmes. Nevertheless, the 2014-2020 programming period has brought about the introduction of a new blending financial instrument for the region, the Latin American Investment Facility (LAIF), which combines EU grants with other resources. It has also seen the transition of most Latin American countries ...

Emigrant Policies in Latin America and the Caribbean.

Emigrant Policies in Latin America and the Caribbean.
Publisher: 
FLACSO-Chile
City: 
Santiago
Volume, number, page: 
358 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
Nation-states are no longer contained by their borders. In times of mass migration and ever more dense transnational networks, states of all sizes and all migration profiles reach out to their emigrated citizens in wholly new ways. The variety of policies that target emigrants (“emigrant policies”) is so vast that it seems to have become a new state function. For example, it is well known that states are expanding citizen participation beyond the nation’s boundaries through voting rights and new modalities of representation and that they are opening channels for remittance transfer and offering specific investment opportunities to returning emigrants. However, other, less studied emigrant policies, comprise the symbolic incorporation of emigrants into the nation-state (e.g. through awards celebrating emigrants’ achievements); social service provisions for non-residents (e.g. health and education); and the institutional inclusion of emigrants in consultative bodies, to name just a few.
This book is the first to systematically take stock of the emigrant policies in place across 22 Latin American and Caribbean countries, as of 2015. By covering an entire geographical region and being based on rigorous data-collection, this will be a reference in a literature that has so far centered on a few specific cases. Also, our proposed definition of “emigrant policies” encompasses a wide range of policies that are aimed at emigrants beyond the “usual suspects” analyzed in the extant literature (electoral, citizenship, and economic policies), resulting in 112 different dimensions. This survey of such a broad sample of countries and policy dimensions will allow researchers to theorize and make comparisons on models of emigrant policy on a solid empirical and conceptual base.

Cooperation Program between Latin America, the Caribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policies

Action Document for COPOLAD II - Cooperation Programme between Latin America, the Caribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policie
Publisher: 
European Commission
City: 
Brussels
Volume, number, page: 
18 p.
Abstract: 
The proposed action “COPOLAD II – Cooperation programme between Latin America, theCaribbean and the European Union on Drugs Policies” is part of the Multi-Annual Regional Indicative Programme for Latin America for the financial period 2014-2020, specifically the priority area on the security-development nexus, which seeks to promote security conditions conducive to inclusive development. Building on the first phase of COPOLAD, this particular action aims at supporting the capacity of beneficiary states and communities to develop integrated, balanced and human rights-based national drug policies covering both drug demand and supply reduction efforts, in line with the principle of co-responsibility. Expected
results are an increased capacity to monitor drug issues and to formulate integrated, balanced and evidence-based drug policies at national level; reduced drug production, reduced demand and harm of drugs and reduced levels of drug trafficking; strengthened action against illicit financial flows and money laundering deriving from drug trafficking; increased control of precursors; and a strengthened EU-CELAC (Community of Latin American and Caribbean States) Coordination and Cooperation Mechanism on Drugs. During the identification and formulation phases, the results and lessons learnt of the ongoing (first) phase of COPOLAD as well as of other relevant EU initiatives, like the Cocaine Route Programme, funded under the Instrument contributing to Stability and Peace, were carefully analysed and taken into account. Preliminary consultations were also carried out with the Latin American and Caribbean beneficiaries.

Contributions made by decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America to territorial cooperation in Latin America

issues for debate
Contributions made by decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America to territorial cooperation in Latin America
Publisher: 
OCD
City: 
Barcelona
Volume, number, page: 
142 p.
Category: 
Abstract: 
The present study is the result of a process of reflection carried out under the auspices of the Observatory on Decentralised Cooperation (OCD) between the European Union and Latin America regarding the phenomenon of territorial cooperation in both regions. Its aim is to reflect upon the relevance and potential that public decentralised cooperation between Europe and Latin America has to strengthen in a decisive manner the territorial cooperation processes already underway in Latin America.The starting point for the study is the conviction that the territorial cooperation dynamics that have emerged in the heart of the European Union have been especially rich and that the experience accumulated in this fi eld represents a fundamental contribution to regional integration processes. The second important point of departure is the recognition that public decentralised cooperation between the European Union and Latin America is an emerging phenomenon, whose dynamism and specifi characteristics make it a privileged channel for the exchange of experiences between both regions and a means of enhancing local authorities’s administrative capacities and strengthening policies to promote social cohesion from a territorial perspective.It is these two premises that stimulated the Observatory’s interest in researching the extent to which decentralised cooperation could contribute to making territorial cooperation in Latin America more dynamic.

The European Union as a Conveniently-conflicted Counter-hegemon through Trade

Publisher: 
UACES
City: 
London
Volume, number, page: 
9:4, pp.560-577
Abstract: 
This article addresses the failure by scholars of EU trade policy to fully explain the difficulties faced in realising the ‘normative’ goals contained within the European Union’s external trade policy and the conviction that it might be a ‘force for good’ through trade. In seeking to account for and, in particular, move beyond the failure to fully explain these difficulties, the article adopts a critical social science approach that focuses on relations of domination and the (potentially misleading) appearances that such relations tend to uphold. In contrast to the traditional view of the EU as a potential ‘force for good’, we conceptualise it as a site of domination, focusing in particular on three mechanisms through which this domination is achieved – expansive market (capitalist) exchange, the ‘Othering’ that tends to accompany such processes of expansion, and the de-politicisation necessary to achieve and/or legitimate these processes. The article proceeds to explore recent developments in EU trade policy, and in particular the Global Europe agenda and associated new generation of free trade agreements with trade partners in Asia and Latin America. In doing so, the article examines the extent to which processes of market expansion, Othering and de-politicisation have been realised in recent EU trade policy. It argues for a conceptualisation of the European Union as a conveniently-conflicted counter-hegemon through trade, whereby the EU presents itself as a potential “force for good” through trade, but simultaneously avoids the realisation of that potential (and justifies its non-realisation) by evoking the conveniently-conflicted status that arises from institutional constraints and both internal disagreements and external differences. This account, we claim, is both more plausible than the existing empirical accounts in that it is able to explain the consistent promotion of an apparently unrealisable ‘progressive’ agenda by the European Union, and an improvement upon those accounts in that it illuminates and demystifies relations of domination and certain ideas that act to uphold them.

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